Canadian Comparative Religion Case

May 19, 2015

I’d like to tell you about a recent decision of the Supreme Court of Canada regarding religious education.[1] Quebec has a “mandatory core curriculum” which includes a Program on Ethics and Religious Culture, to teach “about the beliefs and ethics of different world religions from a neutral and objective perspective” as the Court described it. It “requires teachers to be objective and impartial” and “to foster awareness of diverse values, beliefs and cultures.” The court decided that freedom of religion required Quebec to allow a Catholic school, to teach about Catholicism from a Catholic perspective, but the Court held that the school nevertheless needed to present other faiths in a neutral way, a position that the school largely accepted.

I understand the problems with the case. I understand that there will be difficulties interpreting and enforcing the decision and the law on which it is based, and in balancing the rights of the schools and the students. But it’s also very interesting.

It has always been legal to teach comparative religion or the history of religion in public schools in the United States. The so-called “wall of separation” has always been about fairness toward all the students, denying government the power to promote any religious viewpoint over others. It has not been about total exclusion from the classroom. Here’s what our Supreme Court wrote:

While study of religions and of the Bible from a literary and historic viewpoint, presented objectively as part of a secular program of education, need not collide with the First Amendment’s prohibition, the State may not adopt programs or practices in its public schools or colleges which “aid or oppose” any religion. [2]

We perceive “exclusion” from public places and programs because litigants typically want to promote a specific religion or doctrine rather than treat us to a display of inter-faith brotherly love. Multi-faith displays aren’t generally a problem – except for the promoters. Most Americans support that kind of basic fairness. And there is much to admire in what Quebec has tried to do.

Some congregations themselves teach their young people about the differences in the ways people pray, taking them as a group on tours of other houses of worship. Sometimes the little congregation where I pray plays host to such groups, a practice I admire very much.

I’ve felt lucky over the years to spend time at Chautauqua where religious lectures and services are programmed into the Amphitheatre, so even if you don’t plan on attending you may be mesmerized just passing by, as I was a few years ago hearing thousands of people in the Amphitheatre in this historically Protestant religious community reciting a prayer in Arabic as part of what they called their Abrahamic initiative, exploring the different faiths that have roots in the religious world of the patriarch Abraham and the ancient Hebrews. They explored it by including clerics from each of those traditions.

My college experience was similar – we had to go to services, regardless of whose, and programming in the main university chapel was ecumenical – so I heard some of the world’s finest theologians of the era, regardless of faith.

I came to appreciate the fact that the finest minds of most faiths understand the similarity of their religious worlds, and the identity of unanswerable questions with which we all struggle. Most of all I appreciate what unites us and the import of that unity for us all.

Given the rise of religious war and cruelty in many parts of the world, I can’t bring myself to take brotherhood for granted. It is the hard won prize of our America.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, May 19, 2015.

[1] Loyola High School v. Quebec, 2015 SCC 12 (2015), available at http://scc-csc.lexum.com/scc-csc/scc-csc/en/item/14703/index.do

[2] Epperson v. Ark., 393 U.S. 97, 106 (U.S. 1968) quoting McCollum v. Board of Education, 333 U.S. 203, 225 (1948).


Listening, Learning and Law Enforcement

May 12, 2015

Not long ago, I met the daughter of two of my wife’s high school teachers. Grant and Joyce Banks were legendary in Rutherford County. They traveled to the homes and met the families of every one of their students. Their purpose was to get to know and understand the circumstances of each of the people in their classes. They had no grading pad with them, just the warmth of their own personalities. When we got married, my wife took me to see them and we visited in their home. The last time I saw them was at my mother-in-law’s funeral – Mrs. Banks was too ill then to get out of the car but we stepped outside and talked with them.

Think about the possibilities of taking policemen around to meet every family on their beats, hat in one hand, the other outstretched and weapons back in the car, just to meet, and get to know the people. “Hi, I’m so and so.” “Are there things you’d like me to know?” “Have you had any problems with the police?” And just listen, without response except to make it clear you’re listening. In law school classes we call that active listening, so people understand that you hear them, understand what they are going through, and care about them. This isn’t the time for advice, instruction or explanations. Just “I hear what you’re telling me. I can’t make any promises but I will certainly bring up your concerns at the station or with my boss.” It’s a listening tour, but a very personal one.

That can be hard. I’ve had to endure criticism for some things I’ve run. It really didn’t matter whether the criticism was correct, helpful or plain nonsense – I’ve learned from hard experience that when people tell you what they want you to know, they are not waiting around for you to contradict them. They want to know you’ve heard. Responding is a separate problem and a skill in itself. The best lawyers understand that counseling their clients isn’t as simple as telling them what’s what. I remember one of the named partners of the corporate firm I started with telling our client over the phone from New York to California what my research made clear he had to do. Listening in Marty’s office I knew the client would not. A few weeks earlier, our client had his picture on the cover of Business Week. A few weeks later his company was delisted from the stock exchange. Counseling people, even when you’re right on the money, is not as simple as telling them.

For the police, it is crucial not to get into arguments with people – just to listen. Both the police and the residents have a good deal to learn about each other. And it can’t be done in the first conversation. In some fields this is called soft power. Police are used to thinking in terms of hard power – the power of guns and force. But without soft power, the power of empathy and trust – BOTH ways – their jobs are virtually impossible. I’d make every cop do it, and collectively I’d make sure they covered every family in the neighborhood – here, Baltimore, wherever. Cops have to learn to internalize the value of listening to people even, especially, when people are upset. If and when they learn to understand what people are struggling with, if and when they start cheering and rooting for the people in the neighborhood, we may be able to put most of the violence behind us.

Oh, visiting people like the Banks did might work in the schools too!

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, May 11, 2015.


“Free Range Children”

May 5, 2015

It never occurred to me that I’d be talking about “free range children” as if they were a species of fowl and the big question was whether to let them out of the coop. But apparently it’s become an issue.[1]

I was brought up in New York City – in the heart of Brooklyn. I believe I was walking to elementary school in the second grade. It was about half a mile. My folks showed me how and watched as I showed I could. By the time I was ten I was playing stick ball two blocks away and squash closer to a mile away. I remember crossing the busiest street in the neighborhood, by myself, thinking only of sharing the impending Dodger victory with a friend, who met me instead with the news that Bobby Thompson had crushed our dreams. I was nine. I think they moved a couple of years later and I got on my bike and rode several miles to his house. He and I would ride to the shore and into Queens, as far as the sleepy little airport then called Idlewild – it’s now known by its initials, J.F.K. By junior high I was taking the bus several miles to see the orthodontist in a different part of Brooklyn.

Not long after, I’d travel with friends to the National Tennis Tournament at Forest Hills, in Queens, and had the pleasure of seeing many of the greats of that age, some at very close range. Or off to Ebbets Field to see the Dodgers.

I thought of New York City as my oyster. It was all within a bike or a subway ride away.

Our children grew up in Albany. We taught them how to do things, gave them guidance and the opportunity to show they were responsible, plus a cell phone or, before cell phones, the knowledge and money to call if they needed us. And they told us what they were doing and with whom, before if they knew. We spent lots of time with them and were always available for them, but children need opportunities to fledge their wings and to grow.

We taught them how and soon they walked themselves to school – elementary and high school. Junior high was further away and they rode the bus. They ranged around the neighborhood on foot or by bike to see their friends. Our son bought himself a bike with money he earned as a paper boy for the now defunct Knick News. I admit we were sometimes bothered by the rides he took, initially with a bike-riding friend, from our house to Schenectady, or, gulp, to Ballston Spa. Of course as a three year old child he had showed his grandpa how to get to the airport in West Virginia by bus so they could have lunch watching the planes take off and land. The one trip that really made us gulp was when he announced that he’d used his money as a paper boy to buy himself a ticket to visit his grandpa in Florida. We were not confident of grandpa’s driving ability anymore and our son was too young to drive. But my wife and I were too proud of him to stop him from going. We wanted to encourage, not squelch him.

We did not raise free range children. We raised strong, resourceful and independent children, and we’re very proud of them.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, May 5, 2015.

[1] Andrea McCarren, Parents in trouble again for letting kids walk alone, USA Today, April 13, 2015 http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2015/04/13/parents-investigated-letting-children-walk-alone/25700823/; Camila Turner, Arrests for leaving kids home alone made every day, The Telegraph, March 27, 2015, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/law-and-order/11498123/Arrests-for-leaving-kids-home-alone-made-every-day.html; Caitlin Schmidt, Florida mom arrested after letting 7-year-old walk to the park alone, CNN, August 1, 2014, http://www.cnn.com/2014/07/31/living/florida-mom-arrested-son-park/.


Propensity to violate others – taking checks and balances seriously

April 28, 2015

Polls have found that more than 3 American men in 10 would rape or coerce a woman into sexual intercourse if they could get away with it.[i] Those findings have mostly been discussed only in conjunction with the issue of rape. But I think it has a broader meaning. I think it means that there is a proportion of people who will take advantage of defenseless others for their own benefit when they think that they can.

That creates problems in lots of areas. Like soldiers of countries that we think are less civilized then we, some proportion of American soldiers have resorted to forms of torture like waterboarding. Some go berserk, others are mean, but the misbehavior is predictable, if not who will do what. And like police of countries that we think are less civilized then we, some proportion of American police have also victimized demonstrators, people down on their luck, the homeless and racial minorities. That’s certainly not democratic policing. And it’s made worse by codes of silence in some police departments that are almost as sinister and sometimes worse than the codes among thieves.

I don’t think that most police are bad guys. But when we set things up so that people can get away with bad stuff, it is predictable that a significant proportion will. When we hand people guns and then make excuses for whatever they do because it’s a stressful job, we should expect that a significant proportion of them will do very bad things with the freedom we give them. A system of impunity encourages bad behavior. So one question is how we can set up our police forces so that policemen have the right incentives, incentives appropriate to a free and democratic country? Transparency and accountability matter.

The same is true of business, both international and local. When we take all the tools out of the hands of consumers and courts, we should expect a significant proportion of businesses to misbehave and take people for a ride, often for very dangerous rides. And in business the market mechanism can sometimes make things worse because it punishes those businesses which can’t bring their costs as low and their profits as high even when the mechanism is to take advantage of people, take their money, injure, and leave their lives in shambles. Responsible businesses need responsible regulation to keep the competition in line.

The same of course is true in politics. That’s why we value free speech so highly. But as my colleague, Timothy Lytton pointed out in a book called Kosher,[ii] a study of private marketplaces that do and don’t work, accountability depends on a sufficient number of people with intense interest in the subject, people the rest of us trust to check on what is happening, and a way to get the information out. It’s not automatic – there’s too much to know, too much work to find out.

So transparency is only the beginning. We have to have a culture in which we expect to hold people and organizations to account – without fear or favor for any of the groups and institutions that can hurt us. But in law, the Roberts Court seems to be developing the opposite – a legal culture of defenses and protections buried in contracts and doctrine. And in popular culture, stereotypes, ideology and polarization now substitute for facts. Heaven help us.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, April 28, 2015.

[i] See Sarah R. Edwards,  Kathryn A. Bradshaw, and Verlin B. Hinsz, Denying Rape but Endorsing Forceful Intercourse: Exploring Differences Among Responders, 1 VIOLENCE AND GENDER 188, 190 (2014) available at http://online.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/vio.2014.0022. Though the survey size was small and localized, similar results have been reported before. See Only Psychos Think Rape is OK…Right? in Web Info on Sexual Assault and Abuse (University of Illinois at Chicago, Office of Women’s Affairs, Campus Advocacy Network), https://www.uic.edu/depts/owa/sa_rape_support.html collecting some of the studies.

[ii] Timothy D. Lytton, Kosher: Private Regulation in the Age of Industrial Food (Harvard Univ. Press 2013).


On Corporate Privilege – Have They No Shame?

April 21, 2015

In a legal system which holds corporations responsible for virtually nothing, corporate power, hypocrisy and the wall of corporate shame keep growing.

Corporations put clauses in consumer contracts that make suing them useless and impossible. They make us sign those contracts for most of what we buy from the modern economy. The Supreme Court says OK on the fiction that we don’t have to sign the so-called agreements. As far as the Court is concerned, all we have to do is opt out of the economy and then no corporation can bother us.[1] If a dispute ever gets to a hearing, it is heard by arbitrators chosen by the corporate sellers.

Industry groups repeatedly argue that they have to put such abusive provisions in their contracts or they couldn’t give us a good deal. In other words, when people are down, their mortgages underwater, corporations should just keep kicking – they’re really just doing it for us.

That’s bad enough for people who are just trying to be treated fairly. But corporations have been getting the privilege of trashing rules protecting us from toxins and pollutants in favorably disposed forums. These are so-called investor-to-state dispute settlement or ISDS clauses in international trade agreements. Corporations can attack any rules that will cost them money, which of course means all regulation is vulnerable. Like the domestic arbitration clauses that the U.S. Supreme Court has blessed, “These challenges are not heard in a normal court but instead before a tribunal of private lawyers,” as the Alliance for Justice and many prominent attorneys have told Congress.[2]

There’s already an ISDS clause in the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA.[3] Corporations are trying to keep the ISDS mechanism in trans-atlantic agreements that multi-nationals will use against food and environmental laws here and in Europe, claiming they restrict free commerce.[4] Cecilia Malmstrom, the European Union’s trade commissioner, responded “We want the rule of law, not the rule of lawyers.”[5]

Describing the terms of the 12-nation trade accord for a Trans-Pacific Partnership for which Congress is considering fast track authority for President Obama, Jonathan Weisman wrote in the Times that it would “allow foreign corporations to sue the United States government for actions that undermine their investment ‘expectations’ and hurt their business,” using the business friendly ISDS procedure.[6] Once again that is poised to protect multinational corporations from food, health and environmental regulation.

In D.C., the coal industry is trying to convince the U.S. Supreme Court to block the Environmental Protection Agency from going ahead with procedures for strengthening rules preventing toxic emissions of mercury.[7]

Here at home, toy industry groups are suing against efforts of Albany County to ban the sale of toxic toys, with such poisons as lead, mercury and arsenic, claiming it’s a violation of the Constitution and federal statutes.[8]

Business repeatedly claims regulation isn’t necessary because they are honorable and we can trust them and the economy. But their choice of legal targets make clear what they really believe.

No one has the right or privilege to put toxins in us, in our air, water, or our kids’ toys. Have they no shame? It’s time we had a government, all of whose branches respected the rights of the rest of us.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, April 21, 2015.

[1] See American Express Company v. Italian Colors Restaurant, 133 S. Ct. 2304, 2313 (2013) (Kagan, dissenting); Buckeye Check Cashing, Inc. v. Cardegna, 546 U.S. 440 (2006).

[2] Letter over the signature of many well-known law professors and sent by the Alliance for Justice to congressional leadership, available at http://org2.salsalabs.com/o/6539/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=19342.

[3] NAFTA ch. 11.

[4] REUTERS, EU Seeks Solution to Keep Arbitration in U.S. Trade Deal, March 18, 2015, 12:22 P.M., http://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2015/03/18/business/18reuters-eu-usa-trade.html.

[5] Id.

[6] Jonathan Weisman, Trade Pact Seen as Door for Suits Against U.S. New York Times, March 26, 2015, at B1, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/26/business/trans-pacific-partnership-seen-as-door-for-foreign-suits-against-us.html.

[7] Editorial, Dirty Coal at the Supreme Court, New York Times, March 23, 2015, at A20, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/23/opinion/clean-air-act-and-dirty-coal-at-the-supreme-court.html?emc=edit_tnt_20150323&nlid=47098180&tntemail0=y.

[8] Matthew Hamilton, Industry contests toxic toys ban, Albany Times Union, April 17, 2015 at A1.


Terry v. Ohio Deserves History’s Dustbin

April 14, 2015

Madison, Wisconsin; Ferguson, Missouri, Staten Island, New York; the list is endless and growing. And the tears keep flowing. Mostly young Black men deprived of their lives without benefit of any opportunity to defend themselves. They can’t defend themselves physically because that will be treated as a threat on the officers’ lives. They never get a chance to hire an attorney and defend themselves in court. It’s all over before it starts. More lives gone. More families grieving. That, apparently, has become American “justice.”

The Constitution says that we have the right to be free of “unreasonable searches and seizures … and no Warrants shall issue but upon probable cause ….” Probable cause became the standard for the constitutionality of an arrest or seizure of property. In 1968 the Warren Court decided a case known as Terry v. Ohio.[1] In that decision, the Warren Court said that the police do not have to have probable cause to stop and frisk someone. They said “reasonable suspicion” was enough. Although the Warren Court laid the foundations for a much more just society, making clear that segregation by race is “inherently unequal” and unconstitutional, mandating one person one vote and insisting on the enforcement of most of the Bill of Rights, Terry v. Ohio begat the reenactment of the racist patrols that kept the Blacks down on the farm throughout the post-Civil War segregated South, now expanded throughout the nation.

Terry v. Ohio is the source of the irritation of our Black fellow citizens by constant interruptions in their daily business, constant demands that they submit to searches, constant expressions not of cordial greetings from the police but constant demands that our Black fellow Americans obey and respect “the man.”

Terry v. Ohio is a source of many of the interactions between minorities and police that have gone disastrously wrong. It ramps up every exchange. There’s no “Hi, how are you?” It’s “turn around with your hands up” and from that moment everyone is on edge –minority individuals because they are out of control and don’t know what is going to happen to them, the cops because they are now ordering people around and expecting the worst. Indeed, when someone is ordered to put their hands up, any motion that doesn’t look right to the officer now looks dangerous. Everything ramps up. Adding insult to injury, we have statistics – nine-five percent of those stops are useless nonsense.

We would have less crime without Terry v. Ohio. There would be less anger without Terry v. Ohio. African-Americans would be less convinced that the world is determined to keep them down without the irritants enforced under Terry v. Ohio. We would be safer without Terry v. Ohio.

Indeed we were safer before Terry v. Ohio. In the world I grew up in, racial minorities were not a significant source of street crime. The world that so many of us, Black and white for different reasons, have learned to fear, is a post-Terry v. Ohio world.

There’s something else I’d do – I’d give the police a choice – no guns without full civilian accountability, fully empowered civilian review boards with the power to investigate, subpoena and see all documents and interview all witnesses without restrictions, without privileges, contractual barriers or anything else that prevents a full and impartial investigation. And I’d insist that cops turn on their cameras before they stop, seize, arrest or otherwise prevent us from doing our business without restraint.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, April 14, 2015.

[1] 392 U.S. 1 (1968).


Prosecuting the Prosecutor – Thank Heavens

April 7, 2015

Here’s a news flash from the Innocence Project that left me both cheering and in tears:

The Texas State Bar filed a formal accusation of misconduct against the prosecutor in the case of Cameron Todd Willingham, who was executed in 2004 for the arson murder of his three young daughters. The bar accuses the former prosecutor, John H. Jackson, of obstruction of justice, making false statements and concealing evidence favorable to Cameron’s defense, according to a disciplinary petition filed in Navarro County District Court this month.[1]

I was cheering because it is so rare that anyone takes action against any official in the criminal process who wrongfully assists in the conviction and execution of an innocent person. The U.S. Supreme Court blocks any litigation against prosecutors for murderous misconduct. I was crying because the man wrongfully convicted has long since been put to death.

Gov. Rick Perry refused to grant a stay requested by lawyers for Cameron who had been convicted for setting a fire that killed his three daughters. His lawyers asked Perry to stay execution because a report by an independent arson expert found no evidence the fire was intentionally set.

Calling Cameron a “monster,” Perry replaced members of a commission that dared to review the finding of arson.

At the trial, a jailhouse informant testified that Cameron had admitted the crime and that the informant had not been promised anything by the prosecutor for his testimony. Later a letter surfaced in which the informant reminded the prosecutor of his promise of leniency on other charges.

For me, there are so many lessons. One is that innocent until proven guilty is more than a slogan. Another is that the people who are supposed to be enforcing the law are sometimes actually lawless, doing great harm. A third, is that independent outside investigation of the behavior of the police and the prosecutors is a crucial form of accountability in a democratic society. And a fourth is that it is important that independent groups have the courage to follow up and do their best to right those wrongs without being attacked because they are impartially investigating people whose job description makes them seem sacrosanct.

When she was told that the state bar was taking action, Cameron’s step-mother responded: “Who would have ever thought that all this corruption would happen in small-town America?”

There’s another stereotype that needs to go. The devil lurks in all communities and among people of all colors. Cameron incidentally was white. A decent, honest, law enforcement system is important to all of us without regard to race, sex, faith or any other aspects of our background. And if they could do that to a white family, what kind of justice do we think our African-American brothers and sisters are getting.

To me this is a reflection of the problems we have been addressing with respect to police killing of unarmed people, even a child recently, and the Supreme Court’s indifference to injustice in what should be a system of criminal justice, not a system of official lynching. We need to be willing to see and stop misbehavior wherever it happens.

— This commentary was broadcast on WAMC Northeast Report, April 7, 2015.

[1] See https://www.themarshallproject.org/2015/03/18/willingham-prosecutor-accused-of-misconduct and http://www.innocenceproject.org/news-events-exonerations/prosecutor-in-willingham-case-faces-misconduct-charges?utm_source=Main+IP+Email+List&utm_campaign=3a08bbb832-2015_February_Newsletter_02272015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_016cb74fd6-3a08bbb832-350279237


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